AGING POPULATION
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For-profit

Private, For-profit Solutions to Funding and Delivery

What’s the Issue?

Public or Private? These are loaded words in the healthcare debate.  There can be public and private roles in both the funding and delivery of healthcare. What is the best balance for Canadians?

Who pays for health care? Healthcare funding can be public, quasi-public and private. Let’s explore the variations with some examples, understanding that many of these examples are still evolving and may have changed.

Public funding may refer to support from various levels of government. In Canada, about 70% of health care expenditures come from public sources. The Canada Health Act dictates that medically necessary hospital care and physicians’ services must be publicly insured in order for provinces to receive federal transfer payments. But the extent to which provinces go beyond this minimum can vary among provinces, because healthcare is under provincial jurisdiction. For example, Ontario has much more public coverage for homecare than does New Brunswick.

Quasi-public funding sources are legally private, but highly regulated by government and expected to act in the public interest. Quasi-public funding examples are Canadian workers’ compensation plans and European sickness funds. Note there are a number of different models used in European countries, all of which result in universal, or almost universal, coverage of the population.

Private funding can describe out-of-pocket payments, and services paid for through private insurance. In Canada, most dental care, vision care, and a considerable proportion of outpatient drug costs are funded privately. Private insurance companies have a lot of variability in what they will and will not cover, but the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) identifies three basic models:

  • Private insurance can be a substitute for public coverage for all or part of the population. For example, in the US, certain segments of the population qualify for publicly funded insurance, but the rest do not, so out-of-pocket payments or private insurance are the only alternatives for those people.
  • Private insurance (often with deductibles and co-pays) may cover services not included within the basket of publicly-insured services. This is how most dental plans and prescription drug plans work in Canada.
  • Private insurance can also allow access to private providers in systems where parallel models exist. For example, in England patients with private insurance can choose to go to a private hospital and jump the queue.  Most analysts have found that these private alternatives are more likely to apply to elective surgeries than to medically necessary care.

Who delivers health care? Healthcare delivery can also be public or private. England’s National Health Service was formed around public hospitals and some military clinics; their employees worked for the government. In contrast, it might surprise many Canadians to hear that almost all Canadian healthcare delivery is private. Even many hospitals that Canadians call public are in fact private, not-for-profit organizations, which happen to get much of their funding from the government. Canadian doctors are also private providers, not public servants. The mix up occurs because although the delivery is private, almost all services delivered in hospitals or by physicians are publicly financed.

Private delivery can be further divided into:

  • For-profit, corporate services, which have fiduciary responsibilities to their shareholders.
  • For-profit, small-business services, such as private offices and clinics run by physicians and physiotherapists.  These are sometimes called “not-only-for-profit,”
  • Not-for-profit organizations, which describe most Canadian hospitals as well as many agencies offering community services. In many provinces, hospitals have been subsumed into regional health authorities, which are still legally private, but are sufficiently heavily regulated to fit into the quasi-public category.

Comparing these different types of private services with public services is complicated. In fact, attempts at comparing costs or outcomes of private versus public delivery models are like comparing apples to oranges. One reason is because they usually do not offer the same healthcare services. For example, in those jurisdictions where multiple models compete, analysts have found that for-profit, corporate providers will tend to serve potentially profitable services (e.g. elective laser eye surgeries) and client groups (patients with no complicating conditions), and leave other services and sicker patients to public or not-for-profit providers. This is often referred to as “cream skimming.”

Another complicating factor is that healthcare differs from many consumer goods because it is based on need rather than demand. Few would worry about buying a pair of shoes that aren’t needed; however, few would wish to undergo cancer chemotherapy if there was no cancer to treat, even if the treatment was “free”.

The evidence suggests that under most circumstances corporate for-profit healthcare produces few benefits to the patient or to the healthcare system. For-profit health care can offer advantages if there are potential savings from strong economies of scale or better management. However, for-profit providers may improve their bottom lines through the use of more contentious measures including

  • Freedom from union agreements
  • Evading cost controls placed on the public system (e.g., the price paid for physician services)
  • Sacrificing difficult-to-measure intangibles (e.g costs associated with teaching the next generation of doctors, performing research, doing quality assurance, etc.)
  • Avoiding risky patients or less-remunerative treatments (i.e. cream skimming).
  • Permitting dubious practices including fraud (billing for services not delivered) or pushing treatments which are not medically necessary.

In theory, these problems can be minimized if performance is monitored, but monitoring adds additional costs. Also, monitoring may be difficult where outcomes are not easy to measure. If performance cannot easily be monitored, not-for-profit or not-only-for-profit delivery is more likely to provide less expensive, high quality outcomes than is corporate for-profit delivery.

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Evidence

Private Sector Role In The Financing Of Healthcare

  • In the US, Medicare beneficiaries age 65 and older are more satisfied with their health insurance, have better access to care, and are less likely to have problems paying medical bills than working-age adults who get insurance through employers or purchase coverage on their own.
  • Study in the New England Journal of Medicine recommends State-Based Single-Payer Healthcare for Vermont that could save money and fully fund universal coverage thus reducing healthcare costs for most businesses and households. The authors note even their proposed plan “will never be as efficient as Taiwan’s or Canada’s.”
  • A 2011 report says the recent recession has left too many Americans uninsured and struggling to pay medical bills.  The report expects the proposed Affordable Care Act to improve both the finances and health of Americans regardless of fluctuations in the economy.
  • Private sector financing of Canadian Healthcare Expenditures range widely.  Private funds only pay for 1% of physician costs, 9% of hospital costs, and 27% of nursing home and residential care facilities.  But they pay up to 95% of dental and vision care.
  • Canadian physicians are not public servants. Canadian hospitals are not owned by government.  Many types of private payment are allowed for some healthcare services.  So where does this myth about Canada having a “communist-style healthcare system” come from?  Canadian Health Services Research Foundation reviews this misinformed stereotype.
  • Findings from across Europe show that a parallel private system seriously compromises access for those waiting for care in the public system. Canadian Health Services Research Foundation debunks the myth of a parallel private system reducing waiting times in the public system.
  • The Dutch experience with regulated competition has been reviewed. Despite a system where many of the known problems with healthcare competition have been avoided (companies can’t exclude the sickest patients), the Dutch results are problematic. Costs are rising , the public is not happy, and perceived quality is down.

Private Sector Role In The Delivery Of Care

  • What is the appropriate role for private delivery within Canada’s healthcare system? The debate has been characterized by more heat than light, with advocates talking past one another and using similar terms to mean very different things.
  • For background on the terms, and the lessons learned from a thoughtful review of the strengths and weaknesses of private delivery see Deber’s 2002 report  Delivering Healthcare Services: Public, Not-For-Profit, or Private?
  • Physicians in Canada are not government employees.  Rather, they have their own private practices with clinical autonomy.  The government does not tell physicians what to do, but the government does have restrictions on how they can bill.  For example, they cannot charge beyond what the provincial plan pays for those services agreed to be “medically necessary.” Physicians are permitted to opt out of the government run system completely and bill privately, but very few do. It is against the Canada Health law for physicians to see patients in their public office and funnel them to their private practice.
  • The Canadian Health Services Research Foundation 2004 Mythbuster focused on the Myth: For-profit ownership of facilities would lead to a more efficient healthcare system.

    Synopsis:
    While enthusiasts argue that for-profit facilities can provide medical services more efficiently and with a lower price tag, the vast majority of studies show the exact opposite.
  • An article published in the Canadian Medical Association Journal asks why private, for profit delivery of care is more expensive.  Suggested explanations: For-profit hospitals must make money to satisfy investors, they have higher administrative costs, and they pay higher executive bonuses. The article includes a review of 8 studies comparing costs at for-profit and not for profit hospitals.
  • Another piece in the Canadian Medical Association Journal concludes that private for-profit ownership results in a higher risk of death for patients.  Multiple studies comparing private for-profit hospitals  and private not-for-profit hospitals show that quality of care is lower in private for-profit hospitals.  (Note: Canadian hospitals are private not-for-profit.)
  • A 2010 comparison of profit and not-for-profit kidney dialysis service in the US found for profit providers kept their patients in hospital longer and cost the Medicare system more than did not for profit providers.

Our Commentaries

  • Damien_000016863808
    Beyond the Chaoulli ruling
    By Damien Contandriopoulos
    Healthcare financing in Canada is no small business. With a staggering $200 billion spent on healthcare services annually — that's more than one dollar spent on healthcare for every $10 of the total economic activity in Canada — debates about healthcare services financing ought to be taken seriously.
  • Waiting room at the hospital
    Why Canada should care about the Shouldice Hospital deal
    By Irfan Dhalla
    Last week, the family that owns Shouldice Hospital announced that it would like to sell its facility to Centric Health, a for-profit company traded on the Toronto Stock Exchange.
  • Stethoscope and Canadian dollar
    Private health care by stealth
    By Allan Maslove
    Calls to carve up certain provisions of the Canada Health Act have been cropping up for years. Most recently, a widely circulated report from the Macdonald-Laurier Institute (MLI) advocates for the elimination or relaxing of certain provisions of the Act.
  • first aid kit in life belt
    Building the future of health care
    By Gregory Marchildon
    As premier of Saskatchewan, Tommy Douglas was instrumental in introducing universal hospital insurance in 1947 followed by universal medical-care coverage in 1962.

Browse All Commentaries View French Commentaries

Comments are closed.



Damien Contandriopoulos, PhD
Université de Montréal
Financing; Privatization; Primary Care Delivery
514-343-6111 ext. 35176 | damien.contandriopoulos@umontreal.ca

 

Raisa Deber, PhD
University of Toronto
Healthcare Financing, Organization and Management
416-978-8366 | raisa.deber@utoronto.ca

 

Irfan Dhalla, MD, MSc, FRCPC
University of Toronto
Organization/Financing of Healthcare
416-864-6060 ext. 7113 | dhallai@smh.ca | @IrfanDhalla

 

Alan Katz, MBChB, MSc, CCFP
University of Manitoba
Primary Care Delivery and Disease Prevention
204-789-3442 | alan_katz@cpe.umanitoba.ca

 

Theodore R. Marmor, PhD
Yale University Emeritus
Expert on US, UK, Holland, German Systems
646-918-6159 or (c) 203-376-7739 | theodore.marmor@yale.edu

 

Kimberlyn McGrail, PhD
University of British Columbia
Variations, Aging, Outcomes
778-998-3821 | kmcgrail@chspr.ubc.ca

 

Charles Wright, MD
Consultant in Academic and Medical Affairs Appropriateness/Need for Medical Care
416-824-5407 | cjwright@rogers.com



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AGING POPULATION
COSTS AND SPENDING
MORE NOT ALWAYS BETTER
HEALTH MORE THAN HEALTHCARE
FOR-PROFIT
PATIENT PAYS
SUSTAINABILITY
WAITING FOR CARE


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